Amid the calls for various schemes to address the devastation
wrought by Hurricane Katrina, one small voice is steadily increasing in volume and
stridency–that of the affluent taxpayer who will ultimately foot a large part of
the bill for reconstruction. By the end of December, Congress had appropriated
more than $70 billion in Katrina-related emergency aid, an amount that many
expect to grow as reconstruction along the Gulf Coast gets underway.
"Just the fact that a hurricane disaster like this would open
the door for a huge new government program is a worry," maintains Alex Van
Rensselaer, a retired entrepreneur living in Hobe Sound, Fla., who founded Hay
Day, a Connecticut chain of gourmet markets. "So many conservative groups are
trying to reduce the size of government and exposure to government programs
everywhere, and this is just the opposite."
Indeed, many of those devastated by the worst storm season on
record are hoping for a New Deal of sorts to help them recover. Reconstruction
costs from Katrina alone have been estimated at $250 billion, and much of that
will no doubt be borne by wealthy taxpayers. "Obviously, any huge new spending
like this is going to put more pressure on Congress to resist the permanent Bush
tax cuts that we’re looking for–pressure to justify increased taxes," Van
Rensselaer says. "And our side is constantly looking for ways to lower taxes to
drive the economy–and this is just exactly where we don’t want to be."
Nearly 75 years after entering the American political lexicon,
the term "New Deal" still stirs many in top tax brackets to shudder reflexively.
In the current budgetary climate, where the expenses of the Iraq war coupled
with substantial tax cuts have resulted in record-breaking budget deficits, the
fear of affluent taxpayers that lawmakers may impose higher taxes on the
wealthy, much as they did in the 1930s, may be justified.
"Seventy-plus-billion dollars going to just three states is one
of the largest transfers from the federal government to any set of states in the
postwar era," observes Robert Litan, a senior fellow with the Washington,
D.C.-based Brookings Institution.
But even if the burden of funding reconstruction efforts is
distributed among affluent, lower- and middle-class taxpayers in the same
proportions as tax levies have been in recent years, it would still be borne
disproportionately by the wealthy. Those in the highest tax bracket accounted
for 27 percent of individual income tax revenues in 2001 and 2002 (the latest
year for which data is available), according to IRS figures. In 2002, only five
out of every 100,000 filers reported adjusted gross income of more than $10
million; that group accounted for more than 4 percent of all individual income
tax revenues. Only 15 out of every 100,000 filers reported AGI over $5 million
that year, but they accounted for 6.6 percent of all individual tax
revenues.
Some worry that recent relief efforts–including the federal response to the
events of 9/11–have set a dangerous funding precedent that will be financially
impossible to maintain when future disasters strike. In fact, some have referred
to recent governmental disaster relief as the "New New Deal," and see it as an
open-ended wealth redistribution scheme. "There’s going to be a reckoning
of what the real role of the federal government should be in response to
disasters," says Stephen Slivinski, director of budget studies with the Cato
Institute in Washington. "It’s certainly very expensive, and it also sends the
signal to any local government: If you are unlucky enough to be hit by a storm
that destroys infrastructure, the federal government will swoop in."
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