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At 63, when most successful financiers take time to enjoy the fruits of their
labors, Richard J. Riordan took a different path. In 1993, Riordan, who amassed
a fortune in venture capital, leveraged buyouts and real estate, became the
first Republican in three decades to be elected mayor of liberal, Democratic Los
Angeles.
A no-nonsense fiscal conservative, Riordan brought a businessman’s
pragmatism to the job of governing the unwieldy, riot-scarred city. His brand of
moderate conservatism resonated with voters who, in 1997, reelected him in a
landslide to a second term. Yet, this popularity never translated into statewide
political success. In 2002, he failed to win his party’s gubernatorial
nomination, losing to a relatively unknown ultra-conservative candidate who
tarred Riordan as a liberal and a “Rino” (Republican in name only).
Having
recently retired after serving as California’s secretary of education with the
Schwarzenegger administration, Riordan now focuses on philanthropy—the Riordan
Foundation has, to date, made more than $30 million in grants to schools across
the nation. He also remains defiantly committed to moderate conservatism, an
increasingly embattled stance in today’s right-leaning GOP. At his home in the
Brentwood section of Los Angeles, Riordan sat down with Worth features editor
Douglas McWhirter to discuss the political value of a businessman’s pragmatism
and how the salvation of both the Republican and Democratic parties will be
found in the center, rather than the extremes.
These days, social conservatives who control the GOP scorn more fiscally
focused party moderates. Can centrist “Eisenhower Republicans,” who were the
backbone of the GOP for decades, rise again?
I actually think things are heading in the right direction, especially here
in California. We have a fairly moderate head of the California Republican
Party, Duf Sundheim, who beat out an arch conservative for the position. We also
have a group called the New Majority, which is comprised of moderate Republicans
who want, essentially, to wrest the party away from the conservatives who now
control it. These are very successful business people, by and large, who are
politically pragmatic. And pragmatically, if the Republican Party is to be
saved, it has to become more moderate.
What defines a moderate Republican?
I hate tags like moderate and
conservative. Basically, I am someone who cares about the working poor, which
doesn’t mean I’m not a conservative. The Democrats want to take care of the poor
with welfare, which demeans them. I feel the poor are best served by removing
the stranglehold that the unions have over education, and giving children a
quality education so they can succeed in life. We should also impose fewer laws
and taxes on business, because this attracts more business and more jobs for the
working poor. To me, this is neither liberal nor conservative; it is just plain,
common, moral sense.
Voters in America’s two largest cities are predominantly liberal and
Democratic. Yet they easily elected you and Michael Bloomberg, two moderate
Republicans, to serve as their mayors. What does this say about urban voters
and the appeal of moderate conservatives?
When I was mayor, the liberals sort
of ignored my conservative side. I would sit with them and explain what I meant
by conservative principles, and it didn’t seem so conservative to
them—particularly when they saw that I respect minority groups.For their
part, urban Republicans aren’t going to waste their money on somebody who is
really conservative because they know those candidates don’t stand a chance. So
essentially, Republican voters who live in places like Los Angeles and New York
get more pragmatic and they support the person who is less liberal. It’s kind of
strange, but when Republicans finally decide they are going to support me, they
suddenly see only my conservative side. I’ve attended fund-raisers with
Republican groups and there were introductions made in which people said, “He
won’t raise taxes a penny!” and “He’ll lower the cost of government!”
You criticize union power, yet you supported Antonio Villaraigosa [current
mayor of L.A.] in the recent mayoral election. He is an unapologetic liberal and
a former union organizer.
Well, he is somewhat apologetic because now he has ambitions for higher
office. I didn’t support him in the primaries, but you have to pick somebody in
the final race, and his opponent [incumbent James Hahn] was in the pockets of
the liberals and the unions. Villaraigosa has surrounded himself with some
strong conservatives, among others. Plus, he has energy and magnetism, and he
realizes that if he wants to go far politically, he will have to come back
toward the middle. Hopefully, he is getting the message that the middle road is
fiscally, socially and morally the best for everybody.
Are American voters more moderate than the extremes that are currently
shouting at each other?
I think they are. Roger Ailes, who is now the head of Fox News, was President
Reagan’s image maker. He once wrote that making an audience like you is the most
important thing a politician can achieve when giving a speech. The voters in
this country don’t want someone who is going to beat up on the opposition all
the time; they want a father, and a father is not going to beat up his children.
Ailes’ theory works. And, by the way, Ronald Reagan was not an arch
conservative.
Yet arch conservatism has worked well for the GOP in recent years. How will
party moderates contribute to this success in the future?
Again, I wish we could use some word other than moderate. When it comes to
actually governing, I was a lot tougher fiscally than almost any other
Republican I have seen in California, or Washington for that matter. They may be
more conservative than I am on social or ideological issues, but not on the
tough matter of actually going in and cutting down the budget.
In light of soaring trade and budget deficits, has the Republican Party abandoned the hard work of fiscal conservatism?
That’s a very good question. We’re going to be trillions in debt, mostly to
the Chinese, and someday they are going to call in that debt, stop buying our
bonds and move on to a stronger currency. Something has to be done to address
the trade imbalance, but you can’t do it by restricting imports. That would be
devastating. You would probably have to do it by lowering the standard of living
within a reasonable range. But what politician is going to do that?
In a recent op-ed in the New York Times, former Republican Senator John C.
Danforth wrote, “As a senator, I worried every day about the size of the federal
deficit. I did not spend a single minute worrying about the effect of gays on
the institution of marriage. Today it seems to be the other way around.”
We’re spending much more time talking about any number of trivial issues than
we are discussing the balance of trade, the budget deficit, etc. [C. Northcote]
Parkinson, the English economist—and my favorite writer—said something to the
effect that the amount of time spent by a large group talking about a matter is
inverse to the importance of the matter. Which is more pressing to you, as a Republican and an affluent individual:
tax relief or budget deficits?
I think that’s a Hobson’s choice, or [laughs] maybe a Sophie’s choice, but
I’m against both. I’m not an ideologue on taxes. I’m wealthy, and when people
raise taxes, they hit me first. But if that money were going to be well used,
then fine, I would be in favor of it. For instance, in education, I would
support much higher taxes if the system weren’t so dysfunctional.
When you ran for governor, certain conservative Republicans attacked you as
being a liberal, which certainly is not your record.
I’ve been pro death penalty for a long time. I ran the criminal justice
initiative in the state, which should have marked me as an arch conservative.
However, somebody found a quote from me saying, “If I were a judge, I think I’d
have a hard time condemning somebody to death,” which I had said casually, long
before I was in politics. All of a sudden, I was branded as a liberal who
opposed the death penalty. The arch conservatives make up around 10 percent of
Republicans, but they control the primaries, and everything is ideology with
them.
Is there any way to bridge the ideological chasms among all
groups—conservatives, moderates and liberals—on hot-button social
issues?
G.K. Chesterton said that all theology can be wrapped up in two sentences:
The first is, “In God’s eyes, I’m extremely important.” The second is, “In God’s
eyes, everyone else is just as important as I am.” So whether you are saint or
sinner, gay, straight or whatever, in God’s eyes you are important. That doesn’t
mean I have to agree with you, it just means that I have to respect the fact
that you are important.
Some liberals say that Bill Clinton was the greatest moderate Republican
president the country ever had.
I think they are right. It is intriguing that two people who were
more-or-less disgraced in office—Richard Nixon and Bill Clinton—were very good
presidents. Say what you want about character, but what Clinton did with welfare
was great for the country, and he was the only Democrat who could have pulled
that off. People who are off welfare now are much more likely to be happy
and successful. Who wants to be a victim the rest of their lives?
Have you ever considered becoming a Clinton-type Democrat?
No. The liberal Democrats who control the primaries don’t want me. For that
matter, the ultra-conservative Republicans who control their primaries don’t
really want me, either.
Photograph by Gary Moss. |